We ALL have areas in our lives that we need "fixed". This book contains powerful prayers, based on the Binding and Loosing principles taught in the Bible, to teach us to pray in line with God's word, and with the spritual laws of the universe.

This book especially deals with emotional healing. There are seldom overnight miracles, we are healed layer by layer, as knowledge increases.

I have bought several copies of this book for friends and family, and bookmarked the prayers.

I do not agree with some of Liberty's theology, but you cannnot deny the results of praying these prayers for yourself and your loved ones.

I have gotten results from praying these prayers !

Liberty Savard has hit the nail on the head when it comes to getting set free from sin, recurring attitudes and behaviors, and better yet, she explains why we have not been able to get victory over it on our own.

She teaches the reader 'training wheel' prayers to get us on the right track to being able to 'ride that bike on our own' and grow up spiritually. As a result, you find that your relationship with God grows and becomes so alive because you are not living out the lies of the enemy and you know better than to let the devil steal your blessings and the fruit of the spirit from your walk with Christ any longer!

This is an outstanding book and if you want one that goes hand in hand with it....read Henry Malone's - Shadow Boxing.

These 2 books are truly inspired by God and He used the authors to teach us how to Get Over It Already and be productive in the kingdom. That is what we are here for...Praise the Lord!!

Enjoy and God bless, Tina <"}}}><

This book deals with previously unstated issues that the "church world" has looked to secular counselors to answer. (Which has been a big mistake) It thoroughly deals with all aspects of our behaviors and gives sound Biblical instruction on the deliverance process from unacceptable behaviors. This book reveals why this can be a difficult process, but provides the Word of Truth we need to unshackle ourselves from the expressions (in inappropriate behavior) of our unmet needs, unhealed hurts, and unresolved issues. We have been getting this same teaching in our church for the last six years and this book enhances what God has been revealing to us.

This book had some intresting content. The authors seem to be on top of their information. Nice photo work. Thanks "WB".

This is an outstanding and authoritative numismatic reference. A must have for any serious half dollar specialist. It is certainly the best reference available for the Seated Liberty half dollar series. This book is part of the excellent "The Complete Guide To" series of books published by David Lawrence (DLRC Press). This book is the source of the Wiley-Bugert numbers (WB numbers) that are assigned to each major variety for each date and mint mark of the series. These Wiley-Bugert (WB) numbers are used by some coin grading services and are shown on the coin holders. The book has many, many outstanding photos (black & white). Every date and mint mark has it's own section of a page or two, together with at least one photo and many photos for the more interesting varieties. It is unfortunate that this excellent book is difficult to locate. If you can find a copy, but it.

These two authors are absolutly horrible. Their knowledge is clearly not clear. They did not put their time into this book. Although bugart does hit some good points about his experiances. Don't by this deficated material, it clearly is a pile of dung!

Thank goodness for Wendy Kaminer. A consistent thinker in the midst of our culture of conflict between fabricated absolutist alternatives.

This book is a collection of short essays on the state of American liberties which previously appeared in the "The American Prospect" over the past two years. They have been updated with additional material to confront the issues in civil liberty which have appeared after 9/11.

Censorship, religious freedom, women's rights, and homeland security are just some of the topics covered in these bite-size essays. The author's pen spares no sacred cows of either the Right or the Left. The feminist movement's campaign against pornography is vilified with as much fervor as is the conservative effort to criminalize flag burning. Both efforts are attempts at limiting unpopular speech. Kaminer shows them both to be the silly shibboleths of sanctimonious speech suppressors.

I don't agree with the author's opinions on every issue covered in the book. Her take on the criminal justice system, immigration, and social equality are a bit too left of center for my tastes. However, I am proud of her right to her opinions and her courage to care about the rights of others with whom she disagrees. If only we could all care with this much eloquence.

Social conservatives, Stalinist feminists, and political correct Democrats (not to mention the Christian soldiers of the Bush administration) will find no comfort here. Wendy Kaminer is going to come down on the side of individual freedom against governmental power whatever the issue at hand.

In this collection of essays, mostly from her column in The American Prospect, Kaminer looks at issues ranging from anti-terrorist encroachments on civil liberties to anti-abortion protests, and invariably comes down on the side of individual liberty, even when she has to share close quarters with the likes of NAMBLA or "pro-fetal life" abortion clinic demonstrators. Her justification is a fine restatement of the civil libertarian position: "If the First Amendment only protected sensible speech, we'd inhabit a very quiet nation indeed." (p. 80)

Because she writes with passion and wit, and because now more than at any recent period in our nation's history, there is the danger of "An Imperial Presidency" (p. 13), we need her and others like her--whether we agree completely with them or not--as a counter to the anti-civil libertarian designs of Ashcroft, Rumsfeld and Bush. Kaminer represents in these pages the loyal opposition that largely went into hiding after September 11th.

Her main concern is for the health of the Bill of Rights, which suffered from cardiac arrest as the Twin Towers fell. Kaminer sees the resulting struggle between the Bush administration's desire to increase its power, and the individual's desire for privacy and due process, as a struggle between our collective need for security and our desire for freedom. When people are in fear they will let go of some of their liberties in order to feel secure. Consequently today is a time of particular danger because many Americans are understandably afraid.

Kaminer also addresses free speech on high school campuses, media censorship, abortion rights, victim's and defendant's rights, gay rights, Bush's faith-based program, and other cutting edge issues. Her style is readable, thoughtful and penetrating. She comes from a position of considerable authority as a social critic, a lawyer, and best-seller author (e.g., I'm Dysfunctional, You're Dysfunctional). She knows the facts and she knows the law, but more than anything she knows how to express what she feels in an engaging manner. Consider how she makes this very delicate, but true, observation: "I don't imagine that he welcomed it, but September 11 was not a bad day politically for George Bush."

Or, note her observation that we don't need a first Amendment to protect popular, inoffensive speech. We need it to protect speech that a "Lynn Cheney or Joe Lieberman" might consider demeaning and degrading. She adds, "Censorship campaigns often begin with a drive to protect children (or women), but rarely end there." (p. 40) My only nitpick is that Kaminer didn't devote some space to the farcical, hypocritical, and disastrous "war on drugs" that is also eroding our liberties. Maybe that will be the subject of her next book.

Threats to civil liberties are greater than ever since September 11, 2001. Due process rights are the most obvious casualties, but privacy, church-state separation, and other civil rights are being eroded, particularly for groups outside the mainstream.

Wendy Kaminer's latest book, "Free For All: Defending Liberty in America Today", is therefore extremely timely and relevant. Kaminer is a lawyer, author, and social critic, whose previous books include "Sleeping With Extraterrestrials: The Rise of Irrationalism and the Perils of Piety", and "I'm Dysfunctional, You're Dysfunctional: The Recovery Movement and Other Self-Help Fashions". "Free For All" is a collection of her essays on civil liberties from the past several years, both before and after 9/11. Most of the pieces appeared in "The American Prospect", though a few are included from other publications such as "Free Inquiry" and "Dissent".

The topics she addresses include freedom of speech, freedom of religion, the right to privacy, defendant's rights, women's rights, and many related issues. A number of themes crop up repeatedly, including the following: When people favor giving up rights, they usually have in mind other people's rights. Civil libertarianism requires applying the Golden Rule to people you dislike. Civil liberties (freedom to X) often conflict with civil rights (freedom from X). Threats to civil liberties tend to come from those who want people to "be good," whether according to Christian morality on the right, or political correctness on the left. We should be especially wary of expansions of government power, especially prosecutorial power, which are likely to lead to erosion of individual freedom. And sadly, Americans tend to pay only lip service to liberties that are supposedly inalienable.

Kaminer is politically liberal, but she does not shy away from positions that make liberals queasy, because they are required by a strict civil libertarian interpretation of the Constitution. Some of her possibly controversial positions include:

* Free speech rights of abortion protesters must be protected. Furthermore, trying to shield abortion patients from protest undermines the feminist position that women can and should make autonomous decisions about abortion.

* Groups such as the Boy Scouts do have the right to discriminate against gays and atheists (and face the social consequences of doing so). Their rights to free speech and free association trump the desire to enforce equal treatment by non-government groups.

* Evangelism in schools (that is not endorsed by the school) should not be prohibited in the name of protecting children. "Sectarian religious groups that seek access to public schools are unlikely to compare themselves to pornographers, but they do rely on First Amendment rights." (p. 101) In both situations, it is the job of parents, not the state, to protect children.

These essays are necessarily snapshots in time. Most of the pre-9/11 pieces have been rewritten in the past tense, to reflect the changing face of civil liberties since that date. Two pre-9/11 essays are left in the present tense, to underscore the fact that civil libertarians were already alarmed well before the terrorist attacks. Many of the restrictions currently being used by the Bush/Ashcroft regime were enabled by the Counter-Terrorism Act of 1996. The attacks of 9/11 simply provided the first opportunity to apply them on a wide and well-publicized scale. The "USA PATRIOT" Act is merely icing on the cake.

"Free For All" is well worth reading if you interested in civil liberties in general. It provides a wide-ranging, thorough, and entertaining exploration of current issues. If eternal vigilance is the price of liberty, then Wendy Kaminer is standing guard, and letting us know that all is not well.

The story of LJS is "great" if you can say that word to a life who always was outside the law, of course for him he was doing right and he was making justice among the seven seas.
This story will show you how the pirates thought and how they work to make their dreams come true (if the have any dream as LJS said more than once).
Is a good book to read except the last two or three chapters, but is a book that worth every word it has.

One of the most recognizable characters in English literature gets his own fictional autobiography in this sweeping historical tour-de-force by a Swedish sailor, of all people. For many, LJS is the most memorable and deep character in the classic adventure tale Treasure Island. In this book he recounts his life both before and after the events in Stevenson's tale. His first-person story unfolds in chronological chapters which alternate with chapters in which he tells of his dealings with that chronicler of pirates, Daniel Defoe, and later, Jim Hawkins. Many of these chapters are written directly to the two libelers, and include rambling meditations on the nature of freedom and meaning of life.

The accounts of his life adventures are rich in language and detail. It's a stunning achievement by translator Geddes, given all the nautical and period slang, and one would never know the book wasn't written in English. Readers who know nothing about boats and seamanship (like myself) will have no problems following the action and appreciating the details. Larsson has apparently researched the social history of pirates and seafaring in great detail, as the book delivers a detailed and spirited defense of those who went to sea under the black flag. Great attention is given to the awful conditions of the average sailor on a merchantman, and the evils of slave ships are examined at length and in graphic detail. Through Silver, Larsson portrays the buccaneers of the era as freedom-seekers and hedonists, living for the moment. Their crimes are shown as no greater than that of the merchants who plunder distant lands and enslave people.

This unvarnished "truth" is brought out in vivid storytelling as the old pirate, now living in Madagascar, puts pen to paper. It has to be said that while the chapters describing Silver's life and (mis)adventures are wonderful, the shorter chapters where he rambles on about good/evil, etc. can get repetitive and tiresome. Still, the book is great fun and well worth reading for its take on pirate life. Fans of the original Treasure Island may also be interested in Justin Scott's fun 1994 version, which transplants the action to 1950s Long Island.

A good story with some historical realities too.
I studied history at undergraduate level - some of the details
of a common sailor's life, are really nicely described. Change the name to anything but Long John Silver and its a good period
piece. Gritty in places and rambling in others, just as one might imagine coming across an account of the life of a pirate. A real fireside book for the winter. I'll be looking for other books by the same author.

This book deals with the issue of secession from a mostly normative, America-centric position. The authors adequately defend the necessity of secession & decentralization for the advance of liberty, but the analysis does not go much beyond that. There is altogether too much material on the War between the States, an event that happened 150 years ago and has little relevance for the philosophical, political, economic, and even legal issues facing secessionists today. There is very little empirical content, very little attempt to explain why secessionist movements arise and how they can succeed.

I am very glad this book was made: it serves a certain purpose. However, we need sophisticated social scientists studying secessionism from a sympathetic perspective. See my other reviews of books on secessionism that deal with the issue from an empirical, comparative perspective.

As editor David Gordon notes in his introduction, secession may be the most under-theorized concept in political science. Although the few Americans who bother to defend the idea are usually smeared as "neo-Confederates" or worse (is there anything worse?), a simple look at the last decade's headlines shows that secession is not only an idea, but an event, all over the world. From Quebec to Yugoslavia, the Baltic States to Chechnya, Scotland to Los Angeles, people are willing to defy the holy memory of St. Abraham Lincoln and "dissolve the Political Bands which have connected them with another." Gordon and his contributors have rediscovered, dusted off, and re-articulated for a new century one of the most basic political rights of all, the right of self-determination.

A large portion of this collection of essays, as you might expect, examines the pre-eminent example of secession in American history, the Confederacy. The three essays dealing with this period -- Joseph Stromberg's "Republicanism, Federalism, and Secession in the South, 1790-1865;" Thomas DiLorenzo's "Yankee Confederates: New England Secession Movements Prior to the War Between the States;" and James Ostrowski's "Was the Union Army's Invasion of the Confederate States a Lawful Act? An Analysis of President Lincoln's Legal Arguments Against Secession" -- form the core of the book. However, this title is more than just an apologetic for the South. Philosophical, legal, and political analyses by other contributors provide a solid framework for secession as a political theory in our era as well.

The last essay, Bruce Benson's look at arbitration as an alternative to state-run judicial systems in commerce and trade, provides a true-life example of a type of modern individual "secession," and recalls Mises' suggestion (quoted by several contributors) that the right to secession can ultimately be carried down to the community, home, and even individual level. Murray Rothbard reinforces this idea in "Nations by Consent: Decomposing the Nation State."

This is a very important and valuable book, challenging as it does the accepted, post-1865 wisdom of Constitutional interpretation. Secession didn't die at Appomattox, either as a political theory or as a right inherent to each state in the American union. As several of the contributors note, secession (and the threat of it) is the single most powerful check on the expansion of federal power -- which, of course, explains why, from Lincoln on down, so many people have worked so feverishly to discredit it. But truth is just truth, and no matter how hard the "enlightened" classes try to deny it, analyses like the ones in this collection show that a true idea cannot be silenced forever.

This book is the best discussion on the subject of Secession I have ever seen. This topic is so important and yet so ignored. No one can understand the "Civil War" with out understanding this important topic. The Right of succession is a crucial element of protecting liberty and this book Provides the best possible understanding of it available.

'Sons of Liberty' was a very majestic book. I know a lot of my peers who could relate to the conflicts that occur in this story. 'Sons of Liberty' was writtin by Adele Griffin and was a nominee for the '1997 National Book Award'.I would assume that this book would be intended for 7th and 8th graders; possibly 9th. It wasn't too sophisticated but there were a few arduous, or hard, words. Out of five stars, I would give it 3 stars. The only aggravating thing was that it took so long to get to the main point. I read half of the book before I actually got to the main conflict. When it got to the remarkable incident, the story had meaning with schocking details. It made up for itself and became a pretty good book.

This book is about a boy, named Rock. He lives with his army-like dad, his smarter, older brother, baby sister and his mother who is on the brink of going crazy. The dad is very abusive and treats Rock and his brother, Cliff, like soldiers. Rock believes what his father says when he criticizes the boys. However, Cliff is smarter. He has a plan to try to keep his family together. Cliff plans different ways to make things better for the family. He also helps Cliff and Rock's friends.

Rock is not a good student. His dad has convinced him that school is not important. He finds he really likes History. His history teacher and friend is the only person that understands him him. He has an assignment to write a paper on the American Revolution. Throughout the book, he relates his family and personal experiences to the characters, events and times of the revolution. This book was a 4 star because it's aimed at 5th to 7th grade readers. I'm in ninth grade; it just didn't hold my attention. The plot and characters were interesting but it's definitely a book for younger people.

My book is about a 13 year old boy named Rock. He has lots of problem she has a father that is vary abousive,and has a mother that is agoraphobic. He has a friend named Cliff and he got a new friend named Liza. Cliff is trying to get the familey bake together and at the end of the book Liza moves away and the familey has gotten bake together and the dad is not that abusive anymore .

Hume's massive work of English history is available in this economical and well-bound paperback edition. While somewhat out-of-date by the standards of modern academic historians, and prolix at times, Hume's history remains entertaining for contemporary readers, by virtue of the classical elegance of his prose, the scepticism and even-handedness of his judgments, and his sharp thematic focus on the evolution and delineation of powers in the English constitution. Hume's history is clearly a product of the Enlightenment: the only thing he finds more contemptible than the arbitrary powers at times exercised by monarchy and aristocracy is political encroachment by religious zeal and fanaticism. His narrative is most compelling in Volumes 5 and 6, those documenting the convulsions of the English Civil War and the Glorious Revolution. These were in fact written first. Volumes 1 and 2 were written last, probably for the sake of completeness, and with a clear sense of pain by Hume, who feels that the primitive societies of ancient and medieval England are least instructive to the civilized reader.

Bertrand Russell, in his history of philosophy, jokingly accuses Hume of preferring Scots to Englishmen, and Tories to Whigs, with some injustice. The dismal, intolerant and conceited fanaticism of the lowland Scots Presbyterians is a particular target of Hume's invective and mockery, and the Scots Highlanders (with the Irish) are usually dismissed as barbarians. On the other hand, possibly the only two characters to appear in a heroic light in the entire six volumes are William Wallace ("Braveheart") and James Graham, marquise of Montrose, dashing royalist general of the English Civil War. While he certainly deplores the usurpations of Cromwell, whom he paints with bold, vivid and unflattering strokes, Hume is also clearly in favor of quite limited executive (ie, royal) power, and writes as a man of history, not of party.

First let me note that this edition of Hume's "History" by the Liberty Fund offers excellent value for your money. The six volumes are well-edited and well-printed books for book lovers.
For more than a hundred years, Hume's text, first published in the 1750s, was a standard textbook on British history. His diction is elegant, superbly paced and offers delightful reading. However, Hume did not concentrate on exciting descriptions of battles and intrigues, as Macaulay did a century later. He wanted to show that English history had always striven to implement a constitutional monarchy, and so his narrative follows this lead, up to a highly partial depiction of the fates of Charles II and Oliver Cromwell. Hume's liberal ideology made him write a story that stresses the success of parliament. As a philosopher of the Enlightenment, he described the sorry state of the arts and science (elucidated in several ndependent chapters). Thus, his work will give you valuable, if biased insights into the development of the British nation up to the Glorious Revolution in the 1680s. If you read this work carefully, I'm sure you will enjoy it.

Volume II covers the period 1216-1485.

With a careful and seemingly fair hand, Hume describes the clashes between the barons and King John, as evolved into the Magna Charta; the first appearance of the house of Commons; the subjection of Wales, the attempts to subdue Scotland, with portraits of Robert Bruce & Braveheart William Wallace; the expulsion of the Jews; the charter to dig coal in Newcastle; the Hundred Years' War, with smart sketches of its major conflicts; the first appearance of the title of "duke"; the conflict between the Yorks and Lancasters, in the War of the Roses; the myth of Joan of Arc is described, & Richard, earl of Warwick, the Kingmaker, the last baron to overawe the crown, is portrayed; and, among the last episodes of the volume, the usurpation of the crown by the earl of Glocester, later Richard III, uncle to the heirs of the throne, who has the little princes committed to the Tower, and then strangled. Richard meets his just rewards at the battle of Bosworth, where he is slain.

A wonderful read, covering a period between the first appearances of national government and the age when it begins to solidify, in forms that we might recognize today. The turbulence of the Dark and Middle Ages becomes enlightened as we approach the Renaissance.

"The most famous and the most influential of all modern natural right teachers was John Locke." - Leo Strauss
"John Locke has been called America's philosopher, our king in the only way a philosopher has ever been king of a great nation." - Robert A Goldwin

The intent of this review is not to familiarize you with the political philosophy of John Locke, for such a task would require far more than 1,000 words and has already been done elsewhere by others far more qualified than I. This review is for those who have already decided to purchase the Second Treatise but are unaware of the difference between the Peardon (Library of Liberal Arts), Cox (Crofts Classics), and MacPherson (Hackett) editions of the text.

The Cox and MacPherson editions are strikingly similar; however, Cox has taken the liberty of modernizing the text and in the process seems to have misplaced a few words. Peardon, on the other hand, seems to have modernized so much as to have completely lost most of Locke's italicization. So, it is my recommendation to purchase the MacPherson edition. That, or go read the hand-corrected copy of the third printing which is kept in the library of Christ's College, Cambridge University. Unfortunately, the pages in the MacPherson edition are a tad thin, and highlighters seem to leak through the pages. So, if you tend to make good use of highlighers, then you should probably purchase the Cox edition because the library at Christ's College definitely will not allow you to write on their copy.

"The most famous and the most influential of all modern natural right teachers was John Locke." - Leo Strauss
"John Locke has been called America's philosopher, our king in the only way a philosopher has ever been king of a great nation." - Robert A Goldwin

The intent of this review is not to familiarize you with the political philosophy of John Locke, for such a task would require far more than 1,000 words and has already been done elsewhere by others far more qualified than I. This review is for those who have already decided to purchase the Second Treatise but are unaware of the difference between the Peardon (Library of Liberal Arts), Cox (Crofts Classics), and MacPherson (Hackett) editions of the text.

The Cox and MacPherson editions are strikingly similar; however, Cox has taken the liberty of modernizing the text and in the process seems to have misplaced a few words. Peardon, on the other hand, seems to have modernized so much as to have completely lost most of Locke's italicization. So, it is my recommendation to purchase the MacPherson edition. That, or go read the hand-corrected copy of the third printing which is kept in the library of Christ's College, Cambridge University. Unfortunately, the pages in the MacPherson edition are a tad thin, and highlighters seem to leak through the pages. So, if you tend to make good use of highlighers, then you should probably purchase the Cox edition because the library at Christ's College definitely will not allow you to write on their copy.

It is difficult to write a review of the Second Treatise of Government in that it is a book whose central ideas so permeate both British and American thought that no review can do it justice.

Any student of American history, particularly of the revolution and the formation of the Constitution, out of necessity should read this book. It is a book that the revolutionaries themselves were well acquainted with, and formed the rational basis for justifying both the Revolution and the establishment of the Constitution.

Locke is, also, suprisingly easy to read, even today. Cogent, well-formed arguments inform every page of this masterwork. This is a fascinating book that shaped history itself.

Students must read this before they study American history....

I read this for pleasure, not for home schooling. It was outstanding! A fast and easy read, easily relating together the events over the past 700 years. Cofing clearly illustrates the slow struggle of the human race towards freedom ... tieing events together in a literary time-line. With such a clear conception of the tyrrants of the past, one can't help but draw parallels with contemporary tyrrants. I wish I had read this when I was in school. I am recommending it to all of my friends.

Despite what others may have said about this book's qualities regarding homeschooling it remains one of THE best books on the foundation of American culture. The author attempted and succeeded to remain unbiased when writing upon matters of religion (i.e. Roman Catholic Church vs. Protestant Church). However, the obvious wrong done by the Roman Catholic Church during the Roman Inquisition (not just the Spanish) is made quite clear. Yet the author does not leave the Protestant church without some blame, for they did promote violence, wars, and some measure of persecution. The book does accomplish its goal by making the reader understand what liberty is and what it has cost. No homeschooling Christian (or otherwise) child should be without this book.

Hoover wrote this book during the 20s, when he felt that American ideals were under siege from the collectivism of Russia and the socialists. He gives a very straightforward explanation of why he feels a mixture of free-market capitalism and voluntarism, which he believes to be uniquely American, is the best prescription for human societies. Although Hoover wrote this in earnest (he did, after all, lead the Belgian relief effort in WWI), it rings a little hollow when you remember the Great Depression of a few years later. Read this book to understand Hoover, not to be inspired by his philosophy.

Although it is quite popular among historians and the media to portray Hoover in a negative light, this book evidences Hoover's thoughtfulness and brilliance that places him among the U.S.'s best minds of the time. Hoover details his theories of the regimentation of government, in a foresightful and eloquent manner. The book is in some ways a "groundbreaking" work that provides insight into the downsides of many of the depression-era "new deal" reforms. Hoover's economic philosophies have been traditionally neglected among historians and he has unjustifiably served as a scapegoat for the Great Depression and the excesses of the Roaring Twenties. Hoover presents in this book a survey of the alternatives to the American System of economic and political liberty and warns of the many dangers associated with government's entry into competitive markets. His concern for the protection of individual economic liberties serves as a bedrock upon which Friedman and others expanded many decades later. For supporters of Reaganesque philosophies who seek a unique historical perspective or for those interested in a minority perspective during the 1930s, this book is an underrecognized, underrated must-read!

I found this book surprising. I did because before reading this and all of Hoover's books, my view of him was largely based on the theme song from the TV show, "All in the Family." My views of the man also came mainly from the idea that Hoover, and he alone, was the cause of the Great Depression. This book, and his others are exciting to me because they are so contrary to what I thought I knew.